• Now, then, tell me, if you please, what possible result of good would follow the issuing of such a proclamation as you desire? Understand, I raise no objections against it on legal or constitutional grounds; for, as commander – in – chief of the army hop over to the website and navy, in time of war, I suppose I have a right to take any measure which may best subdue the enemy. Nor do I urge objections of a moral nature, in view of possible consequences of insurrection and massacre at the South. I view the matter as a practical war measure, to be decided upon according to the advantages or disadvantages it may offer to the suppression of the rebellion.

• I have not ation of liberty to the slaves, but hold the matter under advisement. And I can assure you that the subject is on my mind, by day and night, more than any other. Whatever shall appear to be God’s will I will do. I trust that in the freedom with which I have canvassed your views I have not in any respect injured your feelings.

Letter to Stanton (1862) Edit

Levy, is well vouched, as a capable and faithful man, let him be appointed an Assistant Quarter. [sic] Master, with the rank of Captain.

Second State of the Union address (1862) Edit

• A civil war occurring in a country, where foreigners reside and carry on trade under treaty stipulations is necessarily fruitful of complaints of the violation of neutral rights. All such collisions tend to excite misapprehensions, and possibly to produce mutual reclamations between nations which have a common interest in preserving peace and friendship.

• A nation may be said to consist of its territory, its people, and its laws. The territory is the only part which is of certain durability.”One generation passeth away and another generation cometh, but the earth abideth forever.”It is of the first importance to duly consider and estimate this ever-enduring part.

• That portion of the earth’s surface which is owned and inhabited by the people of the United States is well adapted to be the home of one national family, and it is not well adapted for two or more. Its vast extent and its variety of climate and productions are of advantage in this age for one people, whatever they might have been in former ages. Steam, telegraphs, and intelligence have brought these to be an advantageous combination for one united people.

• Our national strife springs not from our permanent part; not from the land we inhabit: not from our national homestead. There is no possible severing of this but would multiply and not mitigate evils among us. In all its adaptations and aptitudes it demands union and abhors separation. In fact, it would ere long force reunion, however much of blood and treasure the separation might have cost. Our strife pertains to ourselves – to the passing generations of men – and it can without convulsion be hushed forever with the passing of one generation.

• Without slavery the rebellion could never have existed; without slavery it could not continue.

• In a certain sense the liberation of slaves is the destruction of property – property acquired by descent or by purchase, the same as any other property.

• Certainly it is not so easy to pay something as it is to pay nothing, but it is easier to pay a large sum than it is to pay a larger one. And it is easier to pay any sum when we are able than it is to pay it before we are able.